Conferences

CFP: Writing the noise: the politics and history of subcultural music

Call for papers:

The 2nd International Conference of the Interdisciplinary Network for the Study of Subcultures, Popular Music and Social Change

Writing the noise: the politics and history of subcultural music

University of Reading

6–7 September 2018

Confirmed keynote speakers and events:

Simon Reynolds, author of Shock and Awe, Retromania, Energy Flash and Rip It Up and Start Again

Professor Lucy Robinson, University of Sussex, ‘Less History of Zines, More Zines as History’

Plenary panel of music journalists: from the mainstream to the pop press to fanzines, featuring Simon Reynolds, David Stubbs and Cathi Unsworth

The Call:

How should we write the history of subcultures and their music? How do we write about current subcultures and musics? What theories or perspectives should we adopt? What sources can we use and how do we apply them? Who is able to write them? Did – and do – you have to have been there? This international conference will analyse the problems and possibilities of writing on subcultures and their music. It will bring together academics, journalists and practitioners; it will be multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary. It will be designed to facilitate conversations between historians, sociologists and musicologists, between cultural studies and political science, between performers and commentators, between journalists, writers and academics.

Individual paper proposals should include an abstract of 300 words max, together with a brief biography and contact details

Suggested themes and areas:

Histories of music

Theories of subcultures

Comparing subcultures

Infrastructures and institutions

Music journalism and the music press

The politics of music, the politics of subcultures

Fanzines

Archives and oral history

Geographies of popular music, localities and space

Panel proposals should include a general abstract and brief account of papers to be included (600 words in total), together with brief biographies and contact details.

Deadline: 15 November 2017

Send to conference organisers: Matthew Worley (m.worley@reading.co.uk) and John Street (j.street@uea.ac.uk)

Notification of acceptance will be sent by the end of February 2018

Details

The conference fee will be £100, comprising lunch, refreshments and admin. Plans to give concessions to unwaged/students/PhDs are on-going. Accommodation can be booked for £61 per night. Registration information will be disseminated once the conference programme has been put in place.

The conference is organised by Matthew Worley and John Street, on behalf of the Interdisciplinary Network for the Study of Subcultures, Popular Music and Social Change

(http://www.reading.ac.uk/history/research/Subcultures/)

The network is responsible for the Palgrave book series on subcultures (https://www.palgrave.com/in/series/14579)

Previous Network publications may be found here:

(http://www.reading.ac.uk/history/research/Subcultures/Sub-Pub.aspx)

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The Communist Party of Great Britain and the ‘Irish Question’, 1949-1968

This is the text of a paper I gave last week at the 22nd Australasian Irish Studies Conference held at Flinders University. It is my first foray into a very contentious issue (see this discussion between Anthony Coughlan and Matt Treacy) so I would be grateful for any feedback, but please be kind!

From the Daily Worker, 11 February, 1933

From the Daily Worker, 11 February, 1933

Since the partition of Ireland at the end of the Anglo-Irish War in 1921, which occurred almost simultaneously with the establishment of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), the Party has generally supported the reunification of Ireland and, since 1969, has supported the call for the removal of Britain’s military and political presence in Northern Ireland. This support for a free and united Ireland originally stemmed from the position of the Communist International in support of the national liberation struggles of all colonial and semi-colonial peoples across the globe, and from the Leninist assumption that revolutions in the colonial sphere would help spark revolutions in the West. Specifically for the British working class, Lenin argued in 1914 that ‘[t]he English working class will never be free until Ireland is freed from the English yoke.’[1]

The CPGB and Ireland in the inter-war period

The CPGB had a substantial Irish membership and had close links to the communist movement in Ireland. Although this was, at times, a strained relationship at times, with the Irish Communists often feeling that their sister party overshadowed them, and in the eyes of Moscow, had to often defer to the leadership of the CPGB. With the Irish Communists going through several different organisations in the inter-war period, the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) came into being in 1933, ‘Bolshevised’, but still wavering between advocating a broad anti-colonialist front against the British and a more united front against the British and ‘their Irish agents, Cosgrave [and] De Valera’.[2] The CPI and its previous incarnations had attempted to win over left-leaning Republicans from Soar Éire and the IRA (although dual membership had been banned until 1933), but the IRA was deeply divided over left-wing Republicanism as evidenced at its 1934 conference.[3] In response to this, the CPGB, in the journal Labour Monthly, criticised the ‘petty-bourgeois leadership’ of the IRA as ‘unwilling to conduct a fight’ against the De Valera government.[4] However as the 1930s progressed, the British party recognised the IRA as part of a broad anti-fascist Popular Front during the late 1930s, particularly as a number of former IRA men went to fight in the Spanish Civil War.[5]

Compared to its British counterpart, the CPI remained numerically very small during the Popular Front period and during the ‘imperialist war’ phase of the Second World War, resolved to dissolve itself, in line with dominant attitudes towards Irish neutrality in the country at the time. A remnant of the party still existed in the six counties as the Communist Party of Northern Ireland (CPNI), which existed until 1970, while the CPI was reconstituted as the Irish Workers League in the Irish Free State in 1948, becoming the Irish Workers Party in 1962 and finally merging back into the CPI (including the CPNI) in 1970.

11288-coverconassoc

CPGB member C. Desmond Greaves helped to establish the Connolly Association (CA) in 1938, whose aim was to promote Irish Republicanism within the British labour movement. Kevin Morgan, Gidon Cohen and Andrew Flinn have written that the Connolly Association provided ‘a vehicle for socialist republicanism under communist direction, but without any suggestion of rivalry with established communist party structures’.[6] Publishing the monthly newspaper, the Irish Democrat, the CA had a more symbiotic relationship with the republican movement in Ireland and the IRA, rather than King St, which gave lip service to them in the party press, but put much more emphasis on the trade unions. According to the Association’s 1955 constitution, the aims and objects of the CA were:

To organise Irish men and women resident in Britain for the defence of their interests, in united struggle with the British working class movement, and in particular –

(a) To win support for the struggle of the Irish people for a united independent Republic, and to fight for the removal of all obstacles placed in their way by British imperialism…[7]

Unlike the militarist road of the IRA, the CA promoted obtaining these aims and objects via the following tactics:

(a) Winning majority support for them in the organised working class and democratic movement in Britain.

(b) Working for the unity and strength of the Labour movement, especially the unity of British and Irish workers…

(f) Co-operating with other organisations in matters of common concern and affiliating to or accepting affiliation from appropriate bodies as may be decided.[8]

Although individual CA (and CPGB) members had links to the IRA, particularly through the Wolfe Tone Society,[9] the only two organisations that the CA affiliated with were two organisations that the CPGB had links to, the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) and the Movement for Colonial Freedom (MCF).[10]

National Liberation or Peaceful Devolution?

In the era of decolonisation that followed the Second World War, the CPGB believed that the Irish Free State would gain full independence similar to India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka (which did occur in 1949), but also accepted the idea that British rule in Northern Ireland was a form of neo-colonialism to be challenged by the Northern Irish population (especially the labour movement). In 1958, Greaves described the partition of Ireland as ‘a political arrangement designed to create and perpetuate precisely what has happened – to facilitate the expropriation of Irish capitalists by British financers, instead of by Irish workers’.[11] In the same year, John Hostettler suggested that Northern Ireland existed in the liminal space between a colony and part of the United Kingdom, with practices by the British having ‘the same pattern in the colonies’, but also ‘so near home’ that government and policing practices could be transferred to British sphere.[12]

The CPGB, as the Communist Party at the metropole of the largest empire at that time, were dedicated to anti-colonialism and fostering links with anti-colonial movements across the Empire. Unlike its support for the insurgent national liberation movements that emerged in the British colonies, such as in Malaya, Kenya and Nigeria, the CPGB chose to support the united Irish labour movement (including the Irish Workers League), rather than the more militarised republican movement embodied by Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army. In the post-war era, the CPGB leadership under Harry Pollitt resolved that armed insurrection, akin to what occurred in October 1917, was a foolish adventure for Western Communist Parties, and endorsed a parliamentary road to socialism, based on capturing the trade unions and building an alliance between Labour and the Communist Party. Despite the military presence of the British in Northern Ireland, the CPGB viewed the socio-political conditions of Ireland as similar to Britain and believed that focusing on developing the strength of the labour movement to gain political power, rather than armed rebellion, which was happening elsewhere in the British Empire. In 1947, the CPGB hosted a conference that brought Communist and Workers’ Parties from across the British Empire to London. At this conference, a representative from the IWL pronounced:

Our policy is aimed to bring about a strong united labour movement which, in alliance with the working farmers and progressive forces, will provide the country with a Government which can direct it along the path of advance to socialism.[13]

iwl

The Party called for the remaining British troops stationed in the North to be removed, but believed that this could done peacefully. In some instances, the situation in Northern Ireland was seen as more akin to the political landscape in Scotland or Wales, thus requiring a strategy of progressive devolution-cum-independence, rather than the strategy of insurgent national liberation needed in many other colonies. In the 1950s and 1960s, the Communist Party advocated for devolution in Scotland and Wales, with their own parliaments, but keeping within the United Kingdom, but saw Northern Ireland as a superficial entity that needed to be reunited with the Republic of Ireland. For example, in the 1958 version of The British Road to Socialism, the Party stated:

The withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland is necessary to end the enforced partition of Ireland, and leave the Irish people free to establish their united Republic.[14]

Speaking on the national question in Marxism Today in 1968, leading Welsh Party member Idris Cox wrote ‘Northern Ireland would have no part as such in a British federal system’ as envisaged by the CPGB at that time.[15] However Greaves, with his focus on Ireland, was one of the few in the late 1960s in favour of full self-determination for Scotland and Wales, as well as the break-up of the United Kingdom.[16]

Relationship with militant Republicans and NICRA

Supporting the push for civil rights for the Catholic population in Northern Ireland, as well as an end to the ‘police state’ present in the North, the Party was sympathetic to the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), which included people from the Communist Party of Northern Ireland and the Wolfe Tone Society. After a series of civil rights marches were attacked by the police and Loyalist gangs in August 1968, Labour Monthly (edited by long-time CPGB figure R. Palme Dutt) published an account of these attacks by NICRA and CPNI member Betty Sinclair.[17]

The relationship with Sinn Fein and the IRA, despite some links between them, the Wolfe Tone Society and the Connolly Association, was much more fractious for most of the 1960s. In a bulletin published by the CPGB’s International Department in 1968, the Party wrote that Sinn Fein’s United Irishman newspaper ‘increasingly reflects the interests of petit-bourgeoisie and small independent capitalists’, but welcomed the leftwards turn that Sinn Fein had taken in the mid-1960s.[18] Even the Connolly Association asserted in July 1966 that it favoured ‘the political strength of the working class movement’ to the ‘power of the gun’ proposed by Seamus Costello,[19] at that time a leading figure in the IRA.

an-phoblacht-no-8-nov-dec-1966Despite taking a leftwards turn, some within the militant Republican movement were highly critical of the criticisms made by the Connolly Association, with the Cork based Irish Revolutionary Fighters, describing the Association’s position on the armed struggle as ‘reactionary politics’[20] and writing in 1966:

We would suggest that the protégés of the Connolly Association… return to the orbit of the British Communist Party, and keep their cotton-picking-fingers [sic] out of our business.[21]

It also had harsh words for the CPGB, doubting its revolutionary character and describing it as ‘nothing more than the “servant boy” of British imperial interests’.[22]

The outbreak of the conflict in 1968 and the arrival of British troops in Derry in 1969 changed the outlook of the British left towards what was happening in Northern Ireland and the wider ‘Irish Question’. The CPGB continued to call for mass movement to fight for civil rights in the north and against the British presence in the statelet, while some Trotskyist groups, such as the International Marxist Group and the International Socialists, ‘critically’ supported the Provisional IRA after the split within the Irish Republican movement in 1969-70. Like many other social movements that the CPGB was involved in, the Party had been at the forefront of building solidarity between the British and Irish labour movements for the purpose of a reunited Ireland, but was slowly overtaken by more radical groups in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s.

5443-cover

[1] V.I. Lenin, ‘The Right of Nations to Self-Determination’, Marxists Internet Archive, https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1914/self-det/ch08.htm (accessed 6 January, 2015).

[2] Letter of Anglo-American Secretariat to Ireland RE: elections (7 January, 1932), Comintern Archives, RGASPI 495/89/75/1. As cited in, David Convery, ‘Internationalism or Paternalism? Relations Between British and Irish Communists, 1920-1941’ (forthcoming).

[3] See: Richard English, ‘Socialism and Republican Schism in Ireland: The Emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934’, Irish Historical Studies, 27/105 (May 1990) pp. 48-65. As cited in Convery, ‘Internationalism or Paternalism?’

[4] Jim Shields, ‘The Republican Congress and Ireland’s Fight’, Labour Monthly (November 1934) p. 687.

[5] David Convery, ‘Revolutionary Internationalists: Irish Emigrants in the Spanish Civil War’, in Mícheál Ó hAodha & Máirtín Ó Catháin, New Perspectives on the Irish Abroad: The Silent People? (Lanham, MA: Lexington Books 2014) pp. 131-144.

[6] Kevin Morgan, Gidon Cohen & Andrew Flinn, Communists and British Society 1920-1991 (London: Rivers Oram Press, 2007) p. 201.

[7] Connolly Association, What is the Connolly Association? Constitution and Explanation (Derby: Connolly Association, 1963) p. 1.

[8] Connolly Association, What is the Connolly Association?, p. 2.

[9] Kenneth Sheehy, ‘In the Shadow of Gunmen: The Wolfe Tone Society, 1963-1969’, unpublished paper, https://www.academia.edu/8441579/In_the_Shadow_of_Gunmen_The_Wolfe_Tone_Society_1963-1969 (accessed 30 November, 2016).

[10] Connolly Association, What is the Connolly Association?, p. 14.

The CPGB had close relationships with both the NCCL and the MCF, with some Party members holding leadership positions in both organisations. See: Christopher Moores, ‘From Civil Liberties to Human Rights? British Civil Liberties Activism and Universal Human Rights’, Contemporary European History, 21/2 (May 2012) pp. 179-181; Josiah Brownell, ‘The Taint of Communism: The Movement for Colonial Freedom, the Labour Party, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1954-70’, Canadian Journal of History, Autumn 2007, pp. 235-258.

[11] C. Desmond Greaves, ‘What of Northern Ireland?’, World News (12 July, 1958) p. 438.

[12] John Hostettler, ‘Northern Ireland’, Marxism Today (November 1958) p. 332.

[13] W. McCullough, ‘Ireland’, in CPGB, We Speak for Freedom (London: CPGB pamphlet, 1947) p. 60.

[14] CPGB, The British Road to Socialism (London: CPGB pamphlet, 1958) p. 24.

[15] Idris Cox, ‘The National Problem in Britain’, Marxism Today (June 1968) p. 191.

[16] Desmond Greaves, ‘The National Problem in Britain’, Marxism Today (October 1968) p. 312.

[17] Betty Sinclair, ‘Aftermath of Derry’, Labour Monthly (December 1968) pp. 555-559.

[18] CPGB International Department, International Affairs Bulletin: Ireland, 3/1 (May/June 1968) p. 8.

[19] ‘Force or Agreement?’, Irish Democrat (July 1966) p. 3.

[20] Paddy Mac, ‘The Neo-Parnellites: Irish Democrat Flies True Colours’, An Phoblacht, 7 (September 1966) p. 11.

[21] ‘The Yahoos and An Phoblacht’, An Phoblacht, 8 (November/December 1966) p. 7.

[22] ‘Wolfe Tone Society Exposed’, An Phoblacht, 9 (January 1967) p. 8.

CFP: XXVth Conference of the Australasian Association for European History, Monash University, 11-14 July 2017

Monash would like to invite you to the XXVth Conference of the Australasian Association for European History, to be held at Monash University’s Caulfield Campus in Melbourne.
Europe’s Entanglements
Location: Monash University (Melbourne), 11 – 14 July 2017
Contact: arts-AAEH2017@monash.edu
Website: http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/australasian-association-for-european-history-2017/
First deadline for paper and panel proposals:  30 September 2016

As Europe commemorates the centenary of the Great War, current conflicts nearby spark the largest influx of refugees since the Second World War. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom considers (once again) leaving the European Union, and economic downturn and the re-emergence of far right politics throughout the EU threatens its unravelling at the seams. What intervention can historians make to understand these developments? This conference invites a reconsideration of Europe’s entanglements – with the past, with its neighbours in the world, and within itself ­­­– and how these have been forged as well as unmade through the commemoration and forgetting of its history, the movement of people across its borders, the clash of political and economic interests, the encounters between different ideologies and worldviews.

We invite established scholars as well as postgraduates to discuss Europe’s entanglements (and disentanglements), their historical roots, contours and contemporary resonance, from the eighteenth century to the present, on the topics below. Individual papers are welcome, and we also encourage panel proposals.

  • The formation and dissolution of borders, blocs and empires in Europe;
  • The foundation, expansion and maintenance of overseas colonies and empires, their dissolution and legacies;
  • Efforts at national and regional unification, as well as the resistance of ethnic and religious groups against integration within nation-states and across the continent;
  • The movement of people as migrants, refugees, expatriates;
  • Social and cultural networks and movements – monarchies and aristocracies, entrepreneurs and business people, journalists, scholars, public intellectuals, artists, entertainers and writers;
  • Europe’s efforts, attempts and failures at integrating within a global community, through legal, economic and political institutions;
  • Entanglements with the past through commemorative practices and communities, representational practices, custodial institutions and museums, and through traces and monuments in the landscape (natural as well as urban);
  • The historical trajectory of environmental entanglements, between humans, animals and their habitats, urban and rural;

 

CONFIRMED KEYNOTE SPEAKERS

Glenda Sluga, University of Sydney
Professor of International History, ARC Kathleen Fitzpatrick Laureate Fellow, Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities.

Jennifer Sessions, University of Iowa
Associate Professor of History

Tony Ballantyne, University of Otago
Professor of History, Fellow of the Royal Society of New Zealand

New CFP: The First Eric Richards Symposium in British and Australasian History (31 Jan – 3 Feb 2017)

This is a call for papers for a conference organised by my colleague Andrekos Varnava. It looks exciting. Hopefully see you all there!

The First Eric Richards Symposium in British and Australasian History

Tuesday 31 January – Friday 3 February 2017

The School of History and International Relations, Flinders University, and the other sponsors of this meeting, invite abstracts for the first ‘Eric Richards Symposium in British and Australasian History’, to be held in Adelaide from Tuesday 31 January – Friday 3 February 2017.

Emeritus Professor Eric Richards was a Professor of History at Flinders University for over 35 years, specialising in British and Australian social history, and specifically on Scottish history and British and Australian immigration history. The ‘Eric Richards Symposium in British and Australasian History’ aims to honour Professor Richards, who remains active as an Emeritus Professor at Flinders University, and to create a regular conference for scholars in Australasia working on British and Australasian history broadly defined (i.e. British history includes imperial/colonial history) for the ‘British and Australasian History Network’.

The theme of the symposium is ‘Movement and Movements’. This theme has been deliberately chosen to reflect the research interests of Professor Richards as well as to include as many scholars working in British and Australasian history as possible. We are looking for papers that focus on the following areas:

  • Migration experiences and policies
  • Race Relations
  • Cultural reflection, formation, creation and deception.
  • Indigenous and diaspora responses and experiences
  • Constructions of the English and / or British Empire
  • Constructions of the Australians, New Zealanders and other groups in Australasia
  • Nationalism versus trans-nationalism
  • Inter-cultural and / or multi-cultural responses, relations and experiences
  • Cultural erasure and historiography
  • Mimicry, mediation and masculinity
  • Religion, secularism, philanthropy and missionaries
  • Health and Medicine
  • Science and environment/ecology
  • Policing, border control, law and order
  • Archaeology, museums and collecting
  • Ideological binaries from the metropole to the periphery
  • Imperial pacifism and conscientious objectors
  • Colonial women and women in the empire
  • ‘High’ versus ‘low’ cultural responses
  • Art History
  • Film, Music, Photography and Literature and the British-Australasian Connection
  • Artists and the perspectives of artists
  • Broadcasting and popular entertainment
  • Imperial/colonial loyalties and disloyalties

Keynotes
Professor Alison Bashford, University of Cambridge, UK
Professor Joy Damousi, University of Melbourne,
Professor Katie Pickles, University of Canterbury, NZ
Professor Andrew Thompson, University of Exeter, UK

Registration
A registration fee will apply, but this has been kept to a minimum.
4-day Full Registration: $300; 1-day Full Registration: $120
4-day Student Registration: $150; 1-day Student Registration: $70
The deadline for paying registration fees is 5 December 2016.

Publications
We envisage several publications to arise out of the symposium. The organisers will be looking at publishing at least one edited volume and one special issue journal. Participants will be approached soon after the conference. Also we encourage participants to take the initiative (so long as the symposium and organisers are acknowledged) to publish collected works.

Abstracts
A 200-word abstract and a short biography of about 100 words (all in one word file) should be sent to Dr Andrekos Varnava (andrekos.varnava@flinders.edu.au) by 25 July 2016.

Organising Committee
Dr Andrekos Varnava, Flinders University
Professor Philip Payton, Flinders University
Ella Stewart-Peters, PhD Candidate, Flinders University
Tony Nugent, PhD Candidate, Flinders University

Download a PDF version of this CFP here.

We’re all off to Newcastle: The AAEH 2015 Conference

Coming around every two years, the Australasian Association of European History conference is being held in Newcastle (Australia) in July and by all accounts, it is one of the funnest conferences to attend for historians in the field (see Brett Holman’s reports from 2013 and 2011). Like many others, I will be making my way via plane, train and bus (and possibly taxi) to the grand city of northern New South Wales for four days of history, high quality research and hi-jinks. The paper I am presenting is ‘Policing communism in the British Commonwealth: The co-ordination of anti-communism between Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War‘. Here is the abstract:

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper will explore how this co-ordination of anti-communist efforts was implemented in Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War era, which involved the violent breaking of strikes using the armed forces, the close monitoring of ‘persons of interest’ and the (attempted) banning of the Communist Party. It will seek to demonstrate that the history of anti-communism, similar to communism, has a transnational dimension that is only starting to be investigated by historians.

So if you’re attending the conference, come and say hello. And if you’re not, why not? (If you’re interested in reading the paper and not attending, send me an email and I will send something to you after the conference)

Furthermore, a number of people from the newly formed Australian Modern British History Network will be attending, so discussions may be afoot about organising something under the AMBHN banner in the not too distant future. So if you’re attending and have an interest British history or the history of the British Empire/Commonwealth, also come and say hello (and join the FB group) and maybe help get this new network off the ground!

See you at the Hunter on Hunter!

And to finish, here is some classic music from the Newcastle region:

CFP: From Civil Rights to the Bailout (NIU Galway)

Here is a post from my friend David Convery:

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, WORKERS AGITATION AND LEFT-WING ACTIVISM IN IRELAND, 1968-2010

CALL FOR PAPERS

Irish Centre for Histories of Labour and Class

NUI Galway

19-20 June 2015

From the Civil Rights Movement to contemporary protests against austerity, the years since 1968 have witnessed widespread and varied social movements in communities, workplaces and colleges throughout Ireland, North and South, that have fought for, and resisted, social change. These movements have spurred the growth of numerous organisations ranging from those advocating limited reform, to those advancing revolutionary change in society. However, despite its immediate relevance to an understanding of contemporary Ireland, the lack of historical research conducted in the agents and resisters of social change since 1968 is a noticeable gap in the study of class and politics in Ireland. This interdisciplinary conference hopes to address this. We welcome scholarly contributions of 20 minutes from established academics to students on any issue that falls under the remit of the conference title. The conference also affords us the opportunity to preserve and generate sources for the benefit of future researchers. We hope to offer workshops on oral history and the preservation, including digitisation, of documentation such as leaflets, posters and periodicals. To this end, we especially want to hear from activists in movements and organisations from the period who may be interested in sharing their experiences and documentation in a friendly and open environment.

Possible topics for papers include but are not limited to:

  • Civil Rights in Northern Ireland
  • Trade union growth, activism, and change
  • Workplace strikes/occupations
  • Left Social Democratic groups (e.g. Socialist Labour Party, Liaison of the Left, etc)
  • Socialist Republicanism
  • Trotskyist, Communist, and other Leninist groups
  • Anarchist and other libertarian groups
  • Catholic Worker, Christian Socialist groups
  • Left-wing periodicals
  • Community campaigns (e.g. housing, drugs, hospital closures, water charges)
  • Second Wave Feminism and Women’s rights (e.g. equal pay, access to contraception, divorce, abortion rights)
  • LGBT rights
  • Anti-globalisation movement
  • Anti-war movement
  • Solidarity campaigns on issues abroad (e.g. Nicaragua, Vietnam, Miners’ Strike, apartheid in South Africa)
  • Student activism
  • Media representation of social movements, trade unionism, and left-wing activism

If you wish to present a paper, please send an abstract of no more than 300 words and a short biography including affiliation, if any, by 31 March 2015 to David Convery at david.convery@nuigalway.ie

If you were/are an activist in this area and are interested in attending, please let us know at the same address by the same date. We would be especially grateful if you could inform us if you are willing to share your experiences as part of an oral history interview and/or have documentation which would be of interest. All documentation will remain the possession of the owner.

Further information about the conference can be found here: https://fromcivilrightstothebailout.wordpress.com/

Forthcoming workshop on ‘Against the Grain: The British Far Left from 1956’ @ QMUL

This is just a quick post to let people in the travelling vicinity of London know that the PSA Labour Movements Group is holding a workshop discussing our book Against the Grain: The British Far Left from 1956 on 28th January, 2015. It will be held at Queen Mary College (University of London) in the Geography Building (rm 2.20) on the Mile End campus. Details about how to find the campus and the building can be found here. The session will run from 2pm-5pm. Here is a breakdown of the workshop:

 

2.00 – 3.30 Against the Grain: an assessment

Madeleine Davis, Queen Mary College

John Kelly, Birkbeck

3.30 – 3.45 Coffee

3.45 – 5.00 Against the Grain: a response

Matthew Worley, University of Reading (co-editor)

John Callaghan, University of Salford (contributor)

All are welcome. I won’t be attending as I am in Australia at the moment. But Matt will be tackling the hard questions for both of us! It’d be awesome if you could all attend.